The district will vote after ten years

On a bright September afternoon, a caravan of colorful cars, decorated with flags, arrives in a village in Indian-controlled Kashmir for an election rally.

Iltija Mufti, a Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) politician, climbs slowly from the sunroof of one of the cars.

“Yeli ye Mufti (While the Mufti is in charge),” he shouted to the crowd that had gathered to listen to the third generation leader of the most influential political dynasty in the region.

“Teli Tch’le Sakhti (Then the oppression will end),” they answered in unison.

From a distance, military personnel in bulletproof jackets, armed with automatic rifles, watch, track every movement.

For the first time in a decade, elections are being held in 47 assembly seats in Kashmir, which has long been plagued by violence and unrest. The region, claimed by India and Pakistan, has been the cause of three wars between the nuclear-armed neighbors. Since the 1990s, armed insurgencies against Indian rule have killed thousands of people, including civilians and security forces.

The three-phase polls will go to 43 seats in the neighboring Hindu-majority state of Jammu.

The election is the first since 2019, when Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government revoked Jammu and Kashmir’s independence, stripped it of its citizenship, and split it into two federal territories. Since then, the region has been governed by a federal administrator.

In this race, there are 13 major parties that are fighting for their majority in the conference with 90 seats.

The main players are the two major regional parties – the PDP led by Mehbooba Mufti and the National Conference (NC) led by Omar Abdullah. Both Mufti and Abdullah are chief ministers of the region.

The NC formed an alliance with the Indian opposition Congress.

Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is also in the race but not many are betting on the party, which has a strong base in Jammu but a weak political base in the valley.

In the last elections of 2014, the BJP had formed the government in partnership with the PDP after sweeping Jammu. The coalition dissolved in 2018 after years of disagreements.

Also pictured, this time, is Engineer Rashid – a controversial politician who has spent five years in jail on terrorism charges and was released on bail this week. Rashid came to the fore earlier this year when he won the national election defeating Abdullah. He fought the election from prison, with his sons leading an emotional campaign on the ground.

Elections in Kashmir have long been controversial, with citizens and separatist leaders often boycotting them, viewing the process as an attempt by Delhi to legitimize its control.

Since 1947, Kashmir has held 12 elections, but voter turnout is often low and marked by violence. The soldiers attacked the polling stations, the soldiers were accused of forcing voters to come out in large numbers to vote. Since the 1990s, hundreds of political workers have been kidnapped or killed by insurgent groups.

But for the first time in decades, even divisive leaders are competing for a few seats.

The most watched of these is the illegal Jamaat-e-Islami (JEI), which has allied with the Rashid Awami Ittehad Party (AIP).

Citizens will vote to elect a local assembly, headed by a chief minister and council of ministers. Although the assembly will have limited power under Delhi’s rule, it has raised hopes of political change in the valley.

Almost all opposition parties are committed to restoring the status and special status of this region. The BJP decided to restore independence but promised to restore statehood to Jammu and Kashmir “at an appropriate time after the elections”.

Most of the citizens seemed to agree with the loss of their region’s independence.

“I don’t think Article 370 will come back unless some miracle happens,” said Suheel Mir, a research expert, adding that parties are making promises about restoring independence to a “politically charged” situation to get votes.

Many young men and women say they are very concerned about issues such as political instability, corruption and above all, unemployment – which is also a major concern in Jammu.

“We want to vote to solve our daily problems. It has nothing to do with the Kashmir dispute,” said the man on condition of anonymity.

But some say they don’t want to give the impression that they have accepted the 2019 events and will participate in the elections to vote against the BJP.

“We want to send a message to the government that withdrawal is not acceptable to us no matter what,” said Zameer Ahmad, 38.

Five years ago when Modi’s government revoked Article 370, the 70-year-old constitutional provision that gave the region its autonomy, the government said it was important to restore normalcy to India’s only Muslim-majority region.

The move led to heightened security, mass arrests, curfews and internet blackouts that lasted for months, depriving citizens of their rights to work and land.

Since then, Modi and his ministers have talked loudly about a new era of peace and development in Kashmir, announcing multi-billion dollar projects that they say are part of a plan to integrate the region’s economy with the rest of India. (Until the removal of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir, foreigners could not buy land to do business there).

But people in the area say they have not seen the benefits of the program and continue to fight violence and high unemployment.

Thousands of Indian troops continue to be deployed there on a regular basis, with a force that has led to decades of alleged human rights abuses.

“There is no democracy and freedom in Kashmir and many political activists are still under arrest,” said political scientist Noor Ahmad Baba.

“Elections allow people to make their decision whether or not to oppose these changes.”

The change of situation is visible everywhere.

Across Jammu and Kashmir, streets are decorated with posters, party flags, and billboards and men in local bakeries openly discuss the election results over chai.

“There has been a complete reversal of traditional political issues,” said Tooba Punjabi, a researcher.

“In the past, public boycott defined the election. But now, it is a way to put the right party in order to repair the damage.”

The change in the political landscape was also seen earlier this year, when Kashmir registered a record 58.46% voter turnout in the parliamentary elections.

Many residents have now placed their hopes in regional groups to voice their demands.

“These parties have acted as a shield between Delhi and Kashmir,” said businessman Tahir Hussain, adding that “it doesn’t matter who forms the government as long as it is local”.

Analysts say the BJP’s performance could also take a big hit in Jammu this time around, where internal rifts and rifts have hampered its ambitions.

There is growing anger among residents who are unhappy with the group’s policies.

So far, the BJP’s push for development has resonated with the people of Jammu who hope it will bring them more economic opportunities.

But many say they have yet to see signs of change. “Actually, now that Article 370 has been repealed, people from other states are coming to Jammu. Our rights to jobs and land are being taken away from us,” said Gulchain Singh Charak, a local politician.

Sunil Sethi, BJP spokesperson in the district, dismissed the allegations.

“We have made major infrastructure improvements, built roads and brought foreign investors here,” he said.