On August 5, 2024, Sheikh Hasina, the Prime Minister of Bangladesh, fled the country to neighboring India against the background of three weeks of massive protests. Before fleeing, under Hasina’s shot to death, Bangladeshi security forces killed more than 1000 mainly young Bangladeshis, blinded more than 400 and injured hundreds. An interim government led by Nobel Laureate Dr. Muhammad Yunus is now in charge of the country with the aim of handing over power to an elected political government after making reforms. Hasina’s downfall shows that in a context where people were marginalised, as evidenced by a series of one-sided elections in 2013, 2018 and 2024, and gross human rights violations, the protests marked a turning point.
Within this meta-narrative of people and power, there is a sub-narrative that explains how Hasina’s authority structure has been constructed over the years. This included the promotion of a state-led culture of fear, the establishment of torture and severe human rights violations such as extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, the promotion of massive corruption, regional politics, national politics and the undermining of people’s democratic resilience. However, if one were to single out the single most important factor that forced Hasina to flee it would be people’s tolerance for extreme human rights violations. The fall of Hasina’s authoritarian government in Bangladesh can also be seen as a demand for human rights and dignity.
According to a rough estimate, at least 2500 Bangladeshis were extrajudicially executed between 2009-2022 and more than 700 Bangladeshis were forcibly disappeared in chains of illegal secret prisons. Despite this, abroad, Hasina’s government was often portrayed as a beacon of economic development. The Journal called New Strategies: Technology, Governance, Globalization, published by MIT Press dedicated a special issue on Bangladesh in 2021. This magazine featured the main propaganda story written by Hasina and emphasized the reality of human rights violations by Hasina and her government under the rug. While some sections of the Western community were swayed by the story of Hasina’s economic growth, others were not. Organizations such as Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International continued to campaign and lobby the US government, and were successful. In 2021, the Biden administration called for the Magnitsky action to impose sanctions on the RAB, as well as several of its top officials.
The true extent of Hasina’s use of torture and abuse of human rights is yet to be fully known. An interim report published by the newly established commission of inquiry into enforced disappearances was released to selected journalists and researchers including this writer. Members of the commission visited illegal and official detention centers in the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI), the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), the Detective Branch and The Counterterrorism and Transnational Crime Unit (CTTCU) of the police, and the National Security Intelligence (NSI). It provides a fascinating account of the systematic torture and killing of victims of enforced disappearance in Bangladesh. Victims were brutalized physically and mentally in both civilian and military facilities. This included soundproof rooms and the use of special equipment, such as electrocution devices and sensitive body parts. Victims reported acts of extreme cruelty, such as lip stitching without anesthesia, beatings with blunt objects, and forced mutilation. In public institutions, torture was carried out in a routine manner, taking place in shared areas where officials continued their normal duties amid the cries of prisoners, while military-controlled facilities displayed a more calculated infrastructure for inflicting suffering.
The report also emphasized how Hasina’s government was removing evidence and killing many victims of enforced disappearances. The victims were often shot in the head, their bodies were dumped in rivers, and they were put in cement bags to ensure that they would sink. Other methods included staged deaths such as accidents by placing bodies on railroad tracks or pushing victims onto the road. The killings were part of a systematic and coordinated effort involving multiple security agencies. In some cases, executions were used as initiation rites for new workers, emphasizing the institution’s acceptance of this practice. This paints a grim picture of a system designed to silence dissent, instill fear, and avoid accountability, perpetuating a cycle of human rights abuses and impunity. The student protests that started in June 2024 are against this situation.
The protest was about revising the quota system set aside for civil service jobs. A large amount – 30% of the government’s entry – was reserved for the children of Bangladesh’s 1971 independence war. The students argue that this is a discriminatory scheme, designed to recruit people associated with the former ruling party Awami League. AL). Hasina called the students The Razakars – a derogatory term for those who cooperated with the Pakistani military and acted against the independence of Bangladesh. This talk forced the students to be more assertive, and Hasina retaliated with brutal force. Six students died in one day. Among them was Abu Sayed, who is a student of the Department of English at the University of Rangpur, who was seen in videos and pictures on social media showing his hands in opposition to the progress of the police.
Hasina declared a curfew and sent soldiers in addition to other security forces. Vehicles with UN markings were seen on the streets and were used against protesters, prompting international criticism. Bangladesh is one of the major contributors to UN peacekeeping operations. Under international pressure, and realizing its participation in the UN peacekeeping mission may be in jeopardy, the army stopped participating in Hasina’s campaign. This boosted the confidence of the protestors who later transformed their movement into a single-point movement – Hasina’s resignation.
Bangladesh needs to do two things diligently to ensure a smooth transition to democracy. First, while Yunus has established six reform commissions that look after various sectors of the state, including the constitution, security sector reform has not been included. Although the Yunus Commission on Enforced Disappearances has exposed evil and inhumane practices, no action has been taken to deal with these entities. The elected government should therefore make these changes so that there is proper parliamentary and legislative oversight to make the security and intelligence agencies accountable for their actions. Second, Yunus has held Bangladesh together at a critical time, but a government without a legitimate public mandate will not succeed and elections should be called soon. An Open Society Barometer (OSB) survey conducted by the Open Society Foundation revealed strong support for civil and political rights in Bangladesh with 82% valuing human rights and 79% demanding government accountability for rights abuses. Also, support for democracy has been strong.
In other countries, Hasina’s sudden downfall has brought special attention to the international community, which has seemed divided over the years. On the other side was the US with its strong support for democracy and human rights. On the other hand, India, France and many European countries support Hasina implicitly, or openly. In the future, the international community should align with the democratic aspirations held by the people of Bangladesh, rather than prioritizing strategic alliances that ignore these important issues.
Further Studies in E-International Relations
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