The long-held belief that the supposedly developed west is immune to corruption has been strongly challenged. Many modern examples show that invisible practices abound at the highest levels of the European and US governments, the latter highlighting high procurement contracts related to the highest procurement stakes in the UK during the Covil-19 Pandemic, which is £15.3 billion. People closely associated with the European Parliament have faced accusations of accepting bribes in exchange for political favors. In addition, the current mayor of New York City has been cleared of abusing his office for taking oaths and soliciting illegal campaign contributions. Apparently, a majority of 62 percent of Americans believe that fraud is rampant in the US and that the government is primarily serving the interests of its constituents rather than the common good. Similarly, more than two-thirds of Europeans also consider fraud to be widespread in their own country, expressing concern that high-profile fraud cases are not being adequately investigated.
Despite the efforts of states and governmental organizations to fight corruption, international organizations are increasingly skeptical about the effectiveness of such methods. Fraud is no longer seen as an issue reserved for the Global South or the post-social region. It has become a reality for many citizens who live in countries, such as Sweden or Germany, that are taken for granted to be free from it. This highlights that fraud is indeed a global concern. However, such efforts to combat anticorruckayosckayoskyks suggest that we no longer fully understand how deception actually works.
Economists, legal scholars, and political scientists have thoroughly studied and refined corruption; However, their efforts often fall short of capturing an important aspect: the social dimension of the object. My Book, Civil societyprovides a meso-level analysis to obtain an accurate and complete picture of how deception works. The research demonstrates a compelling integration of theoretical understanding and empirical rigor and discusses implications for practice, while remaining accessible to a wider audience. Specifically, providing a comprehensive understanding of deception can lead to the development of effective countermeasures. While focusing on Hungary as a case study, the theoretical framework and policy recommendations are applicable to other nations and cultural contexts. This novel approach highlights that fraud is not just an economic, legal, or political problem but fundamentally a social one.
According to the 2023 Transparency International CPI Index, Hungary has emerged as the most corrupt member of the European Union. Investigators and experts clearly admit that corrupt political actors have access to many state institutions and an important part of the business and cultural sectors in today’s Hungary, and have been using these positions to extract large sums from the system. However, the analysis of eurobarometer data based on high samples of EU-Worders reveals that every year, a few Hungarians reported personal involvement in fraud in the last twelve months. The percentage of respondents who have experienced fraud has decreased from about 30% in 2005 to 14% in 2019. The answer, one of the central findings of this book, is that different types of illusion coexist, and the role and importance of each type is evolving.
The illusion of events enhances our understanding of something in certain important areas. First, developing a central view of fraud addresses a long-standing gap in the literature, which is dominated by the simplistic logic of economics and political science, which treats fraud as an activity above profit that is dangerous worldwide. On the contrary, my book argues that an illusion is something made up of many things that manifest in many ways. Relying on Karl Poland’s concept of the historical general methods of transfer of resources – Market Exchange, Reconciliation, and Redistribution, the main beneficiary of corruption on the client side of bribery (individual, social, or organization), I have saturated a typology that includes the largest types of corrupt activities: Market corruption, social bribery, corrupt organizations, and state capture.
Market corruption is a low-level form of low-level corruption in which a Street-Level Bureaucrat (agent) who controls the provision of public goods and services “sells” their cognitive power to a person (client). This is a deception between two strangers who don’t know each other and will probably never meet again. Bribing the traffic police in this area to avoid a speeding ticket, a common practice in many countries, is a typical example of market corruption.
The second type, social bribery, relies on long-term social purchases instead of informal AD HOC transactions and can involve many members of a social group on the customer side, such as family or friendship networks, which allow repeated exchanges. Informal institutions in different cultures, such as blat in Russia, Compadrazgo in Chile, Guanxi in China, or Wasta in the Middle East, are ways of doing things through contacts. Most of the payments made through these institutions are not actually fraudulent, but they can also serve as an infrastructure for the use of social bribery disputes.
A type of corrupt organization occurs when the entire company is a client and the main beneficiary of illegal behavior. In this case, fraud occurs within the company when employees participate in dishonest activities, such as obtaining government contracts by using the organization’s goals to achieve the organization’s goals, such as increasing profits or expanding the market.
State capture is a very important and complex form of corruption. Here, political and economic interest groups take over state institutions and public policy processes, directing such policies away from the general public interest and instead shape it to serve their own interests. For example, they often coordinate large public tenders or contracts for the benefit of a special actor.
Second, this approach highlights an often overlooked aspect of the social sphere, showing that people involved in corruption are included in many areas of social life. Focusing on resources, we learn that goods and other intangibles, such as recognition, honor, or fame, are exchanged. This novel social theory advances social science’s understanding of this issue. It also shows that some forms of corruption are not bad in the end. Besides personal benefits, social bribery can have social functions, such as maintaining the stability of social systems, keeping social groups together, or bringing together new group members. Helping friends and family members in a symbolic way is often morally sound and can be viewed as corrupt by local actors. Moreover, rather than showing deviance, other forms of corruption are socially constructed by dysfunctional political and market institutions. For example, several economies and governments produce shortages of goods and services that force citizens to be able to get those things spoiled as a response to the situation.
In the field of this research that you do in the fight against conflict and Scholarship that develops the appropriate method of the method, including more than 100 interviews with depth and publishing analysis of the cases revealed by the hidden corruption. Using the narratives of people who are actively involved in corruption or have first-hand experience, the research provides unique insights into the objectives and types of the subject from the revectopoints of the wactors of Local. This sheds light on the motivations and social constraints that influence the people involved. Using this method helps to understand how Deception is embedded in small social relations, organizational episodes, and situations with the intention of the actors; Or those that arise by accident, and large structures, cultural conditions, social strata and historical patterns.
My research focuses on these major frameworks, providing a closer look at the history of fraud in Hungary after the collapse of the social order in the late 1980s and the emergence of different types of corruption belief in the late 1980s and the emergence of different types of belief. As in the early 2000s, the capture of the Oligarchic state, after 2010, political titles became a spectacular form of good corruption in Hungary – large parts of the economy fell under the control of corrupt elites. Using the meritocracy method in this case shows how corruption in Hungary has been “judged” by these corrupt letites while other forms that are less tolerated by those in power.
Finally, the fraud organization has important implications for practice, and can be a valuable resource for policy makers around the world who aim to improve decision-making on corruption. Most importantly, operators must recognize the type of deception they are encountering. The impressive policy results of the discovery of the right way in Hungary say that anti-fraud strategies should be organized around specific types of corruption rather than depending on a generic, one-size-fits-all approach – all solutions that are often recommended by international organizations such as the UN, OECD, IMF, the World Bank, and international NGOs. . It suggests that anticorporkish approaches can be effective when they focus on the actual circumstances in which corruption occurs. To identify these types of fraud effectively, policy makers should be more involved in this situation and gain insight into the operation of certain offices, departments, agencies, local governments, public projects, or procurement programs.
Applying a new social perspective to the fight against injury enriches our understanding of the hidden substance of deception. Obviously, this approach applies to both Western and Western corruption cases. A deep understanding of the book has been corrupt practices can help us understand that certain types of corruption is not a bad thing of the net. Deception may have the function of keeping social groups, such as family or friendship networks, together. In addition, other forms of corruption are social responses to political or market institutional factors. In this case, the illusion is just a symptom, such a successful policy must address wider social problems.
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