Nigeria has abundant mineral and natural resources. Despite having Africa’s largest economy and population, as well as vast natural resources, Nigeria has a low per capita economic growth rate and persistent poverty. According to the World Bank, Nigeria’s poverty rate was 38.9% in 2023, with an estimated 87 million people living below the poverty line, making it the second-largest poor in the world (after India). The World Bank classifies Nigeria as a middle-income economy with an unequal distribution of social benefits between its most populous northern and southern regions. The high level of poverty among people in a country blessed with natural resources is linked to rampant corruption.
Persistent corruption has given rise to a strong and sustained national cry in Nigeria to address poverty and bad governance. Nigeria’s rampant corruption and high poverty rate over the past two decades has been a concern, with the country ranked 145th out of 180 corrupt countries. However, in order to combat this scourge, there have been a number of institutional and legal structures at the federal and provincial levels aimed at fighting the issue of corruption, which continues despite various anti-corruption programs. In accordance with Foreign Policy“institutional weakness and political motivations often intersect, allowing corrupt actors to flourish.
The absence of strong governance mechanisms, and the widespread influence of political connections, hinder efforts to fight corruption and increase transparency”. Therefore, the various federal anti-graft agencies in Nigeria, such as the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and the Private Corrupt Practices and Related Crimes (ICPC), are all presented as a ceremonial and political tool used by each decision. a group that will silence dissidents accused of corruption. For example, during the previous administration of President Muhammadu Buhari (2015-2023), the EFCC failed to expose fraud and prosecute high-profile cases of money laundering involving former and current office holders. The case of the former Minister of Humanitarian Affairs, led by ex-Minister, Sadiya Umar-Farouk, and the high level corruption scandals, highlight the Nigerian government’s ignorance and lack of political will to prosecute corrupt civil servants.
Punch reported that “between 2018 and 2023, it was alleged that a sum of N37,170,855,753.44 ($23,351,512) was made for school meals for children from the Federal Government fund attached to the Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs, Disaster Management and Community Development”. The money is then received in 38 bank accounts across the country. It is said that the suspect from the minister transferred N6,746,034,000.00 ($4,238,000) to Bureau De Change Operators, withdrew N540,000,000.00 ($339,239) in cash, spent N288,348,600.00,1,18,100,19, 17 0.00 ($1,379,017) in desirable locations in Abuja and Enugu State.
In December 2023, Betta Edun, the former Minister of Humanitarian Affairs of the Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Alleviation, allegedly diverted and transferred public funds amounting to N585.2 million ($367,635) to the private account of an official in his ministry. The financial impropriety, which violates the country’s financial control law, has led to the criticism and suspension of the young minister, but he remains secretive about the prosecution of people for preventive purposes, which casts doubt on President Tinubu’s commitment and political will to fight corruption.
Tackling corruption in Nigeria requires strong political will and strong independent anti-corruption organizations free from political interference at the executive level. The current administration, led by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, does not seem to be making any real efforts to fight corruption and financial malpractice across the country. For example, Adam Oshiomhole, a former governor of Edo State and current Senator of Edo North Senatorial District of Edo State, said on national television that any politician who joins the ruling APC party will have his sins forgiven. The former and current presidents of the Senate, Lawal Ahmed and Akpabio Godswill, did not participate in the indirect election from their constituencies. However, after a long legal battle, manipulation, and conflicting judgments, the Nigerian legislature removed itself in time for the Nigerian legislative chamber elections in February 2023.
In 2022, the Senate Committee on Ethics, Rights, and Public Grievances investigated and summoned Senator Akpabio Godswill, when he was Minister of Niger Delta Affairs, over the non-payment of N2.2 billion to contractors. Allison Madueke, former Minister of Petroleum under the Goodluck Jonathan administration, is also facing corruption charges in the United Kingdom for “£100,000, chauffeur driven cars, private jets, luxury holidays for her family, and the use of multiple vehicles.” London architecture.” Even James Ibori, a former governor who was jailed in the UK for 13 years in 2012 for money laundering, shows the UK’s determination to fight corruption across Africa.
The Nigerian Federal Republican constitution’s doctrine of immunity, which usually protects political office holders from prosecution by anti-graft authorities while in office, has hampered Nigeria’s fight against corruption. After leaving office, corrupt politicians often seek a court order prohibiting the EFCC from prosecuting or taking them to court for crimes they committed while in government. This poses a major challenge to democratic accountability in a country suffering from poverty, instability, unemployment, children dropping out of school, and deadly insurgencies especially in northern Nigeria. Meanwhile, the Nigerian oil industry and the alleged oil subsidy scandals by former and current authorities, which led to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s withdrawal of fuel subsidies, have not received a real investigation into criminals, perpetrators and recipients of subsidies in the past. a decade.
The Tinubu administration is trying to tackle the already fragile economy, which was inherited from the previous administration under General Muhammadu. Therefore, the success of Tinubu’s economic reforms, such as the removal of oil subsidies and the floating of the naira, will depend on how effectively the administration fights corruption and implements social programs aimed at lifting people out of poverty. In addition, insecurity challenges such as kidnapping, farmer-farmer conflict, the Indigenous People’s Biafra (IPOB) and the terrorist group Boko Haram continue to pose major challenges to the Nigerian state.
Poverty cannot be eradicated without political will to fight corruption. To achieve this, Nigeria’s anti-graft agencies must be strong and self-regulated to effectively prosecute corruption cases. In addition, the government must be willing to make four policy recommendations, including 1) moral understanding to design effective and independent anti-corruption tools, and eliminate the immunity clause in the Nigerian constitution, which protects Nigerian political office holders from prosecution. in the office; 2) gender-responsive procurement policies to disrupt corrupt networks; and 3) the implementation of social programs to reduce poverty in the country, and the government should prioritize an industrialization policy that encourages the creation of small firms throughout the country to help reduce unemployment.
Further Studies in E-International Relations
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