In 2025, UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on women, peace and security will be marking its 25th anniversary.th a reminder of the growing uncertainty about gender equality and women’s security. The landmark decision provided a tool to advance women’s representation in Kosovo’s political and peace processes, yet despite some progress, the continuing ethno-nationalist narrative threatens progress on gender equality. The President of Kosovo, Vjosa Osmani, has announced the next parliamentary elections for February 2025 – the sixth since Kosovo’s disputed independence from Serbia in 2008. The previous elections in 2021 marked a major change in Kosovo’s politics, turning away from the parties that gained prominence. during and after the 1999 war, and on the left side the Vetëvendosje (Self-Determination) party led by Albin Kurti. Yet despite the election results, the ethno-nationalist narrative driven by Prishtina and Belgrade continues to undermine gender equality and threaten the peace and security of women in Kosovo.
The 2012 elections took place amid the war crimes trials of some of Kosovo’s leading politicians, including former president Hashim Thaçi who then resigned. Against this backdrop and the limited progress in the EU Facilitated Dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia, Kurti used this opportunity to advance an ethno-nationalist narrative in the election and throughout his tenure as Prime Minister.
Kurti and Vetëvendosje’s strong stance regarding the Dialogue with Belgrade had clear implications for the internal relations between Prishtina and Kosovo Serbs, especially in Northern Kosovo. On coming to power, Kurti sought to cancel the Dialogue with Belgrade, demanding that Kosovo’s independence be recognized as a condition for negotiations. This decision is based on the origins of the Vetëvendosje group as an activist organization, whose slogan was painted on the UNMIK building in 2005: “No negotiations – independence!” (JO NEGOCIATA – VETËVENDOSJE!). As a history and movement activist himself, Kurti was barred from being a member of Parliament in the last parliamentary elections due to his involvement in a protest that saw tear gas fired at the Kosovo parliament.
However, this did not change the public support for his campaign, he won by landslides against the historical political parties of Kosovo, such as Thaçi’s PDK (the political wing of the Kosovo Liberation Army) and the LDK party (which led the peaceful resistance movement of the 1990s). . As Prime Minister, he took a tough stance on similar institutions in Kosovo Serb municipalities. In addition, Kurti continues to drag his feet in establishing the Association of Serb Majority Municipalities in Kosovo, an important provision of the 2013 Brussels Agreement.
It will not be surprising if the upcoming elections in February 2025 focus on security issues that have dominated news and politics in Kosovo, in particular: renewed tensions between Prishtina and Belgrade, the withdrawal of Kosovo Serbs from Kosovo institutions, election boycotts and installations. of Albanian mayors in the North which resulted in protests, banning of the Serbian Dinar, Banjska shootings, and explosions. damaging important water sources. As the North faces its own democracy, including whether the main political party, Srpska Lista, will participate in the election (although Serbian President Vučić recently called for participation, especially to counter Kurti’s efforts against the same institutions), and whether there will be an active opposition against Srpska Lista where it has never been (although Srpska Demokratije has been receiving attention), it is important to note that gender, and especially the safety of women, remains absent from these discussions.
There has been little discussion by local or international leaders about the gender implications of key events in the past few years, particularly regarding women’s security in the North. For example, the decision of the Central Bank of Kosovo to ban the Dinar dominated the media at the time, comments focused on the narrative from Pristina about fighting organized crime by reducing the flow of illegal money, and Belgrade saying that a campaign of “ethnic cleansing” was being carried out against Serbs in Kosovo. Additionally, Prishtina faced criticism from the international community for not consulting Serb communities in making the decision.
Talk about the Dinar ban was at its peak when I did my fieldwork in Kosovo in March 2024, when local people in the North explained to me the impact of the ban on Belgrade-funded services such as hospitals and schools, as well as local businesses. . Others were worried that many would need to travel to Serbia to access their money. While recognizing the Euro as Kosovo’s only currency will have a widespread impact on Kosovo Serbs, women tend to take up high levels of unpaid care work and formal employment, meaning they will be more burdened if they do not have access to income or need to travel to Serbia. In addition, those in vulnerable situations will be particularly hindered by the sudden currency ban, which increases the risk of women’s insecurity. However, the ban on the Dinar is just one example of how political tensions between Prishtina and Belgrade have had gendered consequences that are often overlooked, leaving many feeling unrepresented by both governments and fueling discontent among political parties.
Although the last election saw a shift in the PDK and LDK political parties, the choice was left for nationalist leaders (and men) with elections that did nothing to challenge the status quo. The National Democratic Institute found that harassment of women was rampant throughout the last election, with women being victims of misinformation and sexist campaigns. There is a high risk of this happening again, especially given the recounting I have received of media smear campaigns against civil society and political leaders in Kosovo. These defamatory campaigns do not only happen during election times but are ongoing, always threatening the safety of women on the Internet, especially affecting female journalists.
Election advertising and rhetoric will likely be dominated by state-oriented security, especially given Vučić’s recent announcement to return to the “status quo ante” and to recognize Kosovo as a “place of special public protection”. However, more effort needs to be made to include a dialogue on gender insecurity that is often sidelined in the government-focused security discourse. For example, gender-based violence remains a serious problem in Kosovo, affecting women of all ethnicities (as well as other types of people) and increasing barriers to reporting and support for women from minority groups, including Serbs, Roma, Ashkali and Egyptian communities. Furthermore, unemployment is widespread throughout Kosovo and disproportionately affects women, with 18.6 percent of women seeking work in the first half of 2023 unemployed (compared to 8.6 percent of men). In addition to paid work, women take almost double the amount of unpaid work in Kosovo, spending an average of 6.2 hours a day, while men spend 3.5 hours a day in unpaid work.
Despite the feminist narrative employed by the current government, including President Osmani’s annual Women, Peace, and Security Forum, and Kurti’s claims on International Women’s Day that Kosovo is a feminist country, there is still a gap between the government’s rhetoric and its efforts. listening and fulfilling the needs of the community. For example, clashes marked Kurti’s speech on International Women’s Day, where the march (which played an important role in the wartime and postwar context) was prevented from reaching the government building. Harmful homophobic and misogynist language has also been a problem for the Kosovo government, as seen during the recent rejection of a proposed civil code that proposes civil unions in same-sex relationships. Another bill was recently proposed that would allow single women to seek IVF and support more couples to obtain IVF by reducing the cost of public hospitals. However, this was largely defeated by the members of Vetëvendosje (and others) who were the main critics against single women receiving IVF as they would ‘threaten’ the institution of the family and national (Albanian) identity.
Although there has been some progress in women’s political representation, Kosovo remains a patriarchal society where national identity (typically Albanian males) takes precedence over gender identity. As a result, women’s security is often neglected in political discussions and decision-making. The 2025 elections in Kosovo will be dominated by government-centered security issues fueling tensions and divisions between Kosovo Serbs and Albanians, further undermining peace and especially the safety of women. In addition, given that this election will also take place at the beginning of Donald Trump’s presidency, the result will reveal how the next four years of domestic and international politics in Kosovo will be shaped and what priorities will come first.
Politicians in Kosovo need to move away from the state-centric security narrative to instead make this election about human security – and especially women’s security – and build a meaningful and inclusive peace in Kosovo for all genders, races, sexual orientations, and other demographics. . As society continues to work towards gender equality, politicians must listen to the concerns and needs of communities, and overcome ethnic divisions, to ensure peace and security for all living in Kosovo.
Further Studies in E-International Relations
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